Alan Simpson MP
20 July 2009
What is it about your political beliefs that put you on the Left rather than the Right?
Being on the Left is as much about structures as it is about values. It means having a clear view about the relationship between capital and labour and, in today’s world, to recognise that environmental capital has to replace finance capital as the driving imperative of our time.
An ‘open Left’ can be many things but it can’t be New Labour. The party has to drag itself out of an era in which it has been mesmerised by the politics of individualism, opportunism and identity. A naïve view of markets and deregulation risked turning Labour from a political party into a Tupperware party, obsessed with selling the illusions of growth based on off-balance sheet accounting and infinite credit. Being on the Left involves having a view of a politics that lies beyond today’s credit crunch and which can survive tomorrow’s climate crunch.
Which person, event, era or movement from the past should we look to for inspiration now?
If there is an era from the past we should look to for inspiration it is probably in the period of 1817 to 1890. Then, towns and cities across the land formed their own gas, water and electricity companies to deal with the disease and insecurity that threatened their very existence. The very strange thing about this era of ‘gas and water socialism’ is that there were very few socialists who drove it. It was an era of dynamic localism and municipalism. As we move into a future that will be constrained by carbon budgets, as much as by financial ones, we will have to re-engage with such models in the challenge of delivering energy, water and food security, each with a much lighter carbon footprint.
What one or two changes would make the biggest difference to bringing that about?
An open Left would want to break Labour’s subservience to speculative capital and the financial services sector. It would want the party to be in government and not just in office. It would recognise the urgency of constructing much more directive rules that govern the nature of sustainable markets. Renewable energy feed-in tariffs provide a good example of where this would take us.
Getting energy companies to pay the public for ‘green energy’ supplied from the home or the community offers a fundamental rethink of an energy market. People become suppliers of energy and not just consumers. It involves a sea change in (democratic) power as much as in energy supply. This is why the big energy companies fought so hard to oppose it. The battleground has now moved to the level of tariffs to be offered. Big energy wants only a modest framework, arguing that a successful transformation into renewables would undermine the case for nuclear (by lowering the market price for carbon). At least this acknowledges that nuclear is still looking for a massive subsidy to make itself viable. They also want household energy bills to pick up the huge costs of carbon capture and storage before any shift into renewable energy. A fresh politics of the Left simply has to engage with a redistribution of power, away from the hands of private transnational oligopolies and into more public and accountable structures
Much of the 19th century transformation was based not just on localised administration. It involved a similar approach to finance. Local bonds were the alternative to PFI or PPP schemes. People looking for a safe place to put their pension (or other) savings bought municipal bonds. In return, they got a secure supply of gas, electricity and clean water, along with the parks, museums and libraries funded out of the profits. Today’s pension funds, staring into the abyss of toxic debt that still inhabits global equity markets, would be no less enthusiastic for such a choice.
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